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Action for Economic Reforms

POLICY REVERSALS, LOBBY GROUPS, AND ECONOMIC DISTORTIONS

The author is Research Associate Philippine Institute for Development Studies and candidate UP School of Economics writing a dissertation on this topic. This piece was published in the Yellow Pad column of Business World, 31 May 2004 edition.


Except during the Ramos administration, the various liberalization

episodes in the country have always been marred by reversals. The

inability of the government to sustain trade reforms can be attributed

not only to the crises that have plagued the country but also to

intense lobbying by interest groups. The Marcos administration

suspended the first Tariff Reform Program (TRP) because of the 1983

crises. The Aquino administration signed Executive Order (EO) 413 in

1990 to simplify the tariff structure but it was never implemented

because of the vehement protests from domestic manufacturers. It even

led to the formation of the protectionist advocate Federation of

Philippine Industries. In 1998, the Estrada administration passed a

comprehensive tariff reform through EO 486. Barely six months after,

the opposition by local manufacturers resulted in the issuance of EO 63

to increase the tariffs on textiles, garments, and petrochemicals. The

same pattern emerged under the Arroyo administration; TRP IV,

legislated under Estrada, never really took off the ground due to

intense lobbying pressures. Consequently, tariffs were frozen from 2000

to 2001 and the twin EOs 241 and 264 were issued in 2003 to increase

tariffs on selected agricultural and manufactured products.


The Philippine Institute for Development Studies (PIDS) is currently

reestimating effective protection rates (EPRs) resulting from the

recent changes in tariffs. EPRs are more meaningful than actual tariff

rates, for they measure the net protection of value added received by

domestic producers from the protection of their outputs and the penalty

from the protection of their inputs. Preliminary results indicate that

the twin EOs did not lead to any substantial increases in both average

tariff and effective protection. However, since many of the tariff

increases were made selectively to favor particular interest groups,

the twin EOs hardly made a significant contribution in reducing our

highly dispersed tariffs. The results also indicated that the structure

of protection has remained biased for manufacturing importables as they

continue to receive higher levels of protection than exportables. The

estimates also showed that the bias for agriculture has remained as the

sector enjoys the highest average level of protection from 1998 onwards.


Though our average legal tariffs are already low, it should be noted

that economic and trade distortions associated with a tariff schedule

depend not only on the size of the tariffs but also on the dispersion

of these tariffs across all products. The more dispersion in a

country’s tariff schedule, the greater the distortions caused by

tariffs on production and consumption patterns. Firms will tend to

increase the production of those commodities protected by high tariffs

while consumers will tend to shift their consumption from products with

high tariffs to competing products with lower costs. Given the tariff

distortions, inefficient resource allocation arises that tends to favor

highly protected importables at the expense of exportables as well as

highly protected final goods at the expense of intermediate goods. The

latter encourages the production of final goods but discourages the

production of intermediate goods. This partly explains the lack of

backward linkages in our economy.


A large dispersion of tariff structure also encourages lobbying for

high protection by industry groups . Our long history of protection

shows how policy reversals are driven by vested interest groups

especially those with political clout that lobby for protection to the

goods that they produce and duty-free access to their inputs. It is not

surprising that tariffs on the products of lobby groups have remained

high while tariffs on products where there is no or small domestic

industry have been low.


The PIDS results indicated that highly protected manufacturing sectors

like food manufactures, transport equipment, and textiles performed

poorly from 1981 to 2002. Their growth remained sluggish and their

contribution to total value added even declined (see table below). On

the other hand, sectors with very little protection like machinery and

parts, electrical machinery and appliances, beverages and paper &

paper products registered faster growth and increasing contribution to

total value added. Their growth rates were also consistently higher,

even posting respectable rates during and after the Asian crisis.


Beverages and paper used to be highly protected in the past. Their

experience shows how liberalized sectors were able to survive the

transition from a protected market to a freer one.


Economic Performance of Manufacturing Sectors by Level of Protection (in percent)


The above analysis strongly suggests that there is little economic

justification in providing diverse tariff protection. Engaging in

tariff reforms that do not reduce the level of dispersion of the tariff

structure will convey relatively small benefits. The government should

therefore give priority to reducing the highest tariffs. This requires

strong political will as this would involve a lot of agricultural

products. It should also raise the low rates, although this might be

more controversial particularly for intermediate and capital goods. For

revenue generation, tariffs on sin products may be raised but these

must be accompanied by equivalent taxes on domestic production.

Finally, it should simplify the tariff structure by limiting the number

of tariffs and reducing both tariff levels and dispersion. A tariff

structure that is low and has a small variance will be beneficial

especially in discouraging lobbying activities and incentives for

corruption.


If the next administration finds it inevitable for political or other

reasons to reverse its tariff policy, then it should avoid a

sector-by-sector approach as this lends itself most easily to lobbying

and selective requests for protection. Instead, a broader approach say,

an across the board increase should be adopted rather than selective

increases to individual sectors.

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