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Action for Economic Reforms

BEYOND PARTICULARISTIC INTERESTS: ECONOMIC NATIONALISM AS A PLATFORM FOR DEVELOPMENT

The author is the coordinator of the Philippine Programme of Focus on the Global South. She can be reached at j.chavez@focusweb.org.


In recent history, nationalism has taken on new meanings. Some may say

we are in fact witnessing a resurrection of the more reactionary

notions of nationalism. Religious fundamentalism and ethnic communalism

can be said to be akin to racist nationalism, as colonialism for the

glory of the great empire is parallel to the domination of today’s

economic powers in the global order. The notion of nationalism as a

tool by which a community develops an identity and by which it reacts

to domination of an external entity, or more basically as a means by

which community itself is made coherent, therefore becomes necessary to

be reclaimed.


In the Philippine context, different sides will claim nationalism, be

the expression dictatorship or be it liberal democracy. The question

is: does either represent the nationalism we mean or want? Every

interested group will define its own nationalism and put this

nationalism in practice. Do we really have one fixed idea of what our

nationalism is, and if we do not, how should we invent this nationalism?

The swiftness by which the tariff reform program was implemented, the

foreign investment regime liberalized, and key economic sectors

deregulated in the late 1980s – something that a beleaguered dictator

never came close to consolidating – resulted in the almost

indiscriminate opening up of the Philippine economy. As a result,

targeted government intervention in the economy was minimized, and our

national planning body emasculated.


The leadership ignored the lessons of successful industrial latecomers

– our Asian tiger neighbors – that utilized strategic planning to the

hilt. They replaced strategic economic planning with an almost

fanatical rally to free up the market to direct economic activity. More

proactive industrial and trade policies were dropped.


While many look at this market-friendliness as anti-nationalist, this

strategy has in fact been claimed by its supporters as a true

expression of nationalism. The strategy is supposed to highlight what

is good and world-class in the Filipino, and gives the Filipino a

chance to prove his worth and shine at par with his global counterpart.


But as experience has shown, the strategy has failed in many respects.

One, it has been unable to significantly lift the mass majority of

Filipino labor from marginal employment; has failed to radically

improve the country’s industrial capacity; and has not substantially

improved local technology and its use.


Two, it has failed to strengthen the country’s position in the highly

skewed global balance of power. Multilateralism, or the agreement to

take on commonly agreed rules, is essential whatever the ecosystem is.


But given the power configuration, as noted activist-scholar Walden

Bello would say, multilateralism is just one facet of unilateralism

(that is, exhorted only when it suits one’s interest). The promise of a

more democratic and level playing field in the global trading system is

betrayed by the hypocrisy of the rich countries. If an open trade

system really works for the benefit of all, then it makes sense for

rich industrial countries to break down all the barriers to their

markets, particularly agricultural markets. But this has proven so much

more difficult to do in practice and has been the cause for so many

frustrations among developing country governments, and increased

resistance from anti-globalization activists. The breakdown of the

Seattle Ministerial of the World Trade Organization was not just about

the protests on the streets. It was primarily about the breakdown of

meetings within the WTO itself. Developing countries demanded that the

developed countries deliver on their own promises of liberalization,

which up till now is very slow in coming.


Three, the market strategy promised a move away from narrow

particularistic interests. The aversion to planning is due in part to

skepticism that the government, which represents the most economically

powerful segments of Philippine society, can transcend class to

implement strategic plans beneficial to all. Ironically, experience

also shows that particularistic interests have found a way to be

consistent with liberalization. Take for instance the recent example of

the electric power industry, where the privatization agenda was used by

entrenched private interests to further consolidate market power. In

the face of unrelenting interlocking political and economic interests,

the absence of a clearly defined strategic plan further weakens the

chance of order and predictability. This is the case because the

liberalization program is not grounded on political economy, in the

same manner that a program for protection can neglect political economy.

{mospagebreak}


It is time to re-imagine nationalism and to make it a viable platform

for development. Following are some elements that can make nationalism

a good platform for development strategy.


One, it should mean a strategy that moves away from elitism. Marcos’

eleven industrial projects and the country’s participation in the

Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) as a platform for

international competitiveness suffer a basic flaw. Both did not have

the participation of the broad productive forces of society as a

priority. They focused instead on the areas where national elites have

had historical affinity to, and did not necessarily have the broad support of the population.


Two, it should be based on strong integration, particularly backward

integration, and the use of our most abundant resources. If support and

protection is to be given, let it be given with the end of expanding

the market for, and giving higher value to, the primary products of

say, rural households. Protectionism expressed in a plan or policy

implies a social justice (distributive/re-distributive) judgment. It

can be used to facilitate a certain wealth (re-)distribution bias, with

efficiency as a trade-off. Still, the distribution aspect of the policy

can be designed such that it is also productivity enhancing.


Three, it also aims for competitiveness for three reasons: (1) to earn

foreign exchange for the goods that we still need to import, like

petroleum; (2) to protect our consumers and to mitigate loss in

consumer surplus; and (3) as a source of economic growth. On this

point, there is growing evidence that simply protection or

liberalization will not be sufficient to create competitiveness. There

should be a specific industrial design – like an industrial promotion strategy to ensure this.


Finally, there should be great importance placed on developing internal

markets even as the country strives to capture outside markets. The

challenge is in absorbing, developing and converting our erstwhile

immobile and marginalized labor into markets, so that our production

system will look to the local market as a primary market. The steep

competition we face in industries where we supposedly enjoy absolute

advantage (by virtue of abundance, say of land and labor), and the

encroachment of rich countries into these sectors, is indicative of the

limits of the export market.


In all this, let the major lesson of history, and of the deep disparity

and exclusion experienced by the mass of our population, be the prime

motivation: No project, whether local, national or regional, whether

economic nationalist or market-friendly, will be successful unless it

is democratized. Indian economist Amit Bhaduri talks of the “harmony

between public and private interests” which gave rise to conservative

policies that highlighted the liberalism of the 19th century.


Neo-liberalism, in the late nineteenth century, is punctuated by what

he calls as the “harmony between public and corporate interests”, and

resulted in the contraction of the nation state’s sphere even as the

transnational corporation expands its reach. Both failed to take

account of the huge gap between those inside and those outside of the

system. The practice of history has been one where the system bent to

whosoever had more pressure in the community.


It is now time for new imaginations – for a strategy that expands the

meaning of economic nationalism from its inclination to cater to

particularistic interests, or to unnecessarily surrender rights and

possibilities to an unseeing market, and towards one that promotes

inclusion as an imperative for the building of a national community.

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