This paper briefly tackles the main points on coherence contributed by AER during roundtable discussion at the International Conference on Financing for Development. It begins to describe coherence as associated with consistency and integrity of policies while at the same time, allows flexibility and resists rigidity. The paper then asserts that coherence does not assume […]
It may be a surprise to some of you, but the Philippines ever since had been engaged in a competitive strategy. Protectionism – the policy of protecting domestic industries in order to create a capital-intensive industrial base – was a plan implemented by the country aimed at generating continued growth, and ultimately spurring progress and development. Unfortunately, the outcome of such a policy was the opposite of what we were hoping. Trade protection (or the whole gamut of policies from import substitution to “competitive clustering” and “picking out winners”) is not based on an economics of national interest, but really formulated within a politics of special interest. Politics can sometimes produce economic policies that are in fact irrational but made to look brilliant. To see why one must go beyond the abstract concepts of gains and benefits from free trade and competition toward a specific listing of the costs and benefits of trade protection and competitiveness.
After months of hard and frenzied work of concerned legislative
committees and technical working groups, it now seems like the
Anti-Money Laundering Act is up for amendments. The Financial Action Task Force (FATF) on Money Laundering, an international watchdog that monitors efforts in fighting money laundering, has pointed out serious flaws in the law that render it ineffective to fight the said crime.
The story of how the Anti-Money Laundering Act came to be and what has happened since its enactment is irrefutable proof of how compromised and ineffective a government that is captive to particularistic interests can be.
Through a micro-finance sector growth continuum, this paper shows that there is definitely a future for wholesale lending which is not limited to PCFC alone. Other wholesale lenders (of private origin) should also be allowed to thrive, and to a certain extent, to thrive with government support. This especially goes for wholesale lenders with an […]
This paper was written to assist NAPC in formulating a capability-building program that will make most efficient and effective use of the People's Development Trust Fund for the benefit of micro-finance institutions and their clients. In doing so, it looks into the sufficiency of these funds to accommodate or match the capability-building needs of the […]
At a personal level, we intuitively know that trading our labor (then
using the money wages as the means of transactions) gives us a higher standard of living than if we tried to produce everything ourselves. As individuals, we know and act on the knowledge that specialization enhances our individual incomes and wealth.
But this knowledge does not seem to hold in our perceptions of the
national economy. We know that a country will be wealthier and have a better life if the country specializes in producing those products that it is good at producing, exporting the surplus, and using the proceeds to buy imports. Yet the notion that the gains from trade should be measured by what we import, not by what we export, is difficult for many.
Two bills currently under consideration in the legislature are of great
importance: House Bill (HB) 3339, filed by Speaker Jose de Venecia and Rep. Ben Cruz, and Senate Bill (SB) 1912 filed by Sen. Manuel Villar. Both bills are entitled: AN ACT TO PLACE SAFETY NETS FOR FILIPINO RICE PRODUCERS BY IMPOSING TARIFFS IN LIEU OF QUANTITATIVE RESTRICTIONS ON RICE IMPORTS, DIRECTING TARIFF COLLECTIONS FROM RICE IMPORTS TO PROJECTS AND PROGRAMS THAT ENHANCE RICE PRODUCTIVITY AND INCREASE FARMERS’ INCOMES, AND FOR OTHER PURPOSES – or in short, the “RICE SAFETY NET ACT OF 2001.”